The GOSPEL TRUTH

A HISTORY OF AMERICAN REVIVALS

by

Frank G. Beardsley PH.D, S.T.D.

1912

Chapter 2

 

RELIGIOUS DECLENSION AND ATTEMPTS AT REFORM.

 

The Pilgrims and Puritans, who founded the New England settlements, were men of sturdy faith and character. They would have gained pre-eminence in any age. The Old World was impoverished by their departure, but it required men of such faith and such character to lay the foundations of a great republic on the bleak and rugged shores of New England. They were possessed of profound convictions, -- convictions which if necessary would have caused them to have suffered martyrdom for the principles which they avowed, -- convictions moreover which enabled them to lay aside their ancestral traditions and the comforts of the mother country to engage in the hardships of a pioneer enterprise. They were men of fervid piety and intense moral earnestness. But with the passing away of the first generation of these men, the spirit of self-sacrifice and devotion to sublime moral ideals was not transmitted unimpaired to their immediate posterity. In fact, as time elapsed a decline in religion and morality became very apparent. 

To the causes which were operative in producing this state of declension, the church life of the period contributed somewhat. Public worship consisted of morning and afternoon preaching services on the Lord's day, and in many places a mid-week lecture was conducted on Wednesday or Thursday, which, however, was not a gathering for social worship, such as is our modem prayer-meeting, but was similar in character to the services of the Sabbath day. These services were cheerless and unattractive. Instruments of music were unknown. The singing was confined to the chanting of Psalms metrically arranged, and the number of tunes made use of for this purpose was seldom to exceed five or six. The sermons, often highly metaphysical in character, not infrequently required two and three hours for their delivery. The type of religious experience inculcated was harsh and unsymmetrical. There was nothing to lead men to an appreciation of the beauty of religion or to set forth the desirability of communion with God. The idea of loving service received little or no emphasis, while the religious life of the individual conformed to the stem precepts of duty and fear as the ultimate standards of conduct. The doctrines taught by the church were ultra-Calvinistic in character and led to a practical denial of human freedom. Not yet had the divines of New England learned to blend harmoniously the doctrines of divine sovereignty and man's free agency. With an insistence upon man's absolute inability to do anything towards securing salvation, there is small cause for wonder that conversions were few, and that men were coming to look upon themselves as in no wise responsible for their impenitence and rebellion towards God. 

More potent still in its deteriorating influence upon the religious life of the people was the union of church and state. Church membership was requisite to citizenship, churches were supported by taxation, and church attendance was made compulsory by law. Well meaning as were such provisions, it was a fatal mistake. State churches are seldom conducive to vital religion, but this was a fact which New England was to learn from long and bitter experience. Men cannot be made pious by law, and the attempt to do so has often led to serious if not amusing difficulties. There were times in the history of New England when men who were not in a state of grace were sorely needed in public affairs, and the story is told of one saint, who had been excommunicated, who "was actually arrested and commanded for the love of God to repent, because he was the only man competent to lead their forces against the Indians." 

Non-church members suffered keenly from ecclesiastical disabilities. According to the principles of the Puritans, only the regenerate were eligible to church membership. The baptized children of such were in covenant relations with the church and were entitled to its watch-care, but they were not admitted to the full privileges of church membership until they had made a public profession of regenerate faith. Until such a profession was made their children could neither be baptized nor enjoy the watchcare of the church. Moreover only those who were in full membership had any voice in the affairs of the church. Truly, a strange anomaly was this! Multitudes there were in New England who by taxation were compelled to contribute to the support of the church, and by law were forced to attend its services, but who could have no voice either in public affairs or in the choice of a religious teacher, and whose children were debarred from all of the privileges of the church. 

To relieve the disabilities of such the famous HalfWay Covenant was adopted by a "Synod of elders and messengers, from all the churches in the Massachusetts Colony," which convened at Boston in 1662, by order of the General Court of Massachusetts, to discuss among other questions "who are the subjects of baptism?" For some time there had been a growing liberalism upon the subject. When the Cambridge Platform (an elaborate declaration of the principles and practices of the New England churches) was adopted in 1648 there had been a strong sentiment in favor of lowering the standards of the baptismal requirement, but out of deference to a powerful minority, no decisive action was taken. From this time the discussion waxed warm. Many of the ablest divines of New England stoutly opposed any departure from the principles of their fathers, but the action of the Boston Synod in 1662 was final. In accordance with its provisions, persons baptized in infancy, "understanding the doctrines of faith, and publicly professing their assent thereto; not scandalous in life, and solemnly owning the covenant of the church, wherein they give up themselves and their children to the Lord, and subject themselves to the government of Christ and the church, their children are to be baptized." The HalfWay Covenant made no provision for any change in the civil status of those who came within the scope of its action. This was to remain as it was. While it relieved some of their ecclesiastical disabilities, those who owned the Covenant were not admitted to the Lord's table, nor could they have any voice in the affairs of the church. 

The HalfWay Covenant elicited a vigorous protest on the part of its opponents, but the General Court of Massachusetts "judged it meet to commend the same unto the consideration of all the churches and people" and thus it became a part of the church discipline of the colony. 

The effect of the HalfWay Covenant was not altogether salutary. Instead of promoting vital religion its tendency was to encourage moralism. Those who were affected by it, instead of qualifying themselves for church membership, were rather encouraged by its provisions to rest content with the privileges which it conferred. Moreover it was not kept within the bounds of its original provisions. "Originally its provisions applied only to church members who were admitted in minority, but before many years churches which adopted it construed it as admitting those non church members by baptism and even men of lax personal morality who might desire baptism for their children." *

*Dexter's Congregationalism in Literature, p. 475.

Gradually the Lord's table was opened to such as owned the Covenant. By some churches it was voted that "those who wish to offer their children in baptism join with the church, and have a right to all the ordinances and privileges of the church;" and "if any have any doubts with regard to their preparation for the Lord's supper, they may have the liberty to stay away from that ordinance until their doubts shall be removed." At a later time advocates were not wanting for the theory that the Lord's supper was a converting ordinance and a means of grace for the unregenerate. 

A general lapse in morals was the logical consequence, and this followed by a series of disasters on land and sea, in accordance with the stern ideas of that age, was interpreted as a visitation from the Almighty because of the iniquities of the people. Early in the history of New England, an unusual degree of prosperity had been enjoyed, but now crops had failed repeatedly, smallpox and other epidemics had prevailed in the colonies, disastrous fires had visited Boston, and violent storms at sea had done great damage to shipping and had occasioned the loss of many lives. King Philip's War, 1674-1676, seemed to fill their cup of desolation to overflowing. One out of every twelve men of military age had met death at the hands of bloodthirsty savages, property was destroyed and some entire towns wiped out of existence, while the debts which had been incurred had brought the colonies to the verge of bankruptcy. 

These conditions provoked thoughtful minds to serious contemplation. The General Court was petitioned to order a synod. The Court responded and in September, 1679, a synod, which was known as the Reforming Synod, convened at Boston to consider (1) What are the evils that have provoked the Lord to bring his judgment on New England? (2) What is to be done that those evils may be reformed? 

After a careful consideration of these problems, thirteen evils were specified as being the causes of the disasters and calamities which had come upon them. They were as follows: decay of godliness on the part of professing Christians; pride and extravagance in dress; neglect of baptism and church fellowship together with a failure to testify against Quakers and Baptists; profanity and irreverent behavior in the sanctuary; absence of Sabbath observance; lack of family government and worship; backbitings, censures, revilings and litigations between church members; intemperance, tavern haunting and putting the bottle to the lips of Indians, besides adultery, lustful dress and behavior, mixed dancings, gaming and idleness; dishonesty; covetousness and a love of the world; opposition to reformation and leniency towards sin; a want of public spirit in causing schools and other common interests to languish; and finally a general unfruitfulness under the means of grace and a refusal to repent. 

To remedy these evils it was recommended that the chief persons in church and state be careful to set a godly example; that the Cambridge Platform be re-affirmed; that none be admitted to communion who had not made a full profession of saving faith; that discipline in the churches be diligently enforced; that the churches be fully officered; that the magistrates attend to the support of such officers; that righteous laws should be established and enforced; that churches renew their covenants with God; that the sins of the times be engaged against; that the churches agree in covenanting to promote holiness and a closer walk with God; that provision should be made to support Harvard College and all schools of learning; and that all should "cry mightily unto God, both in ordinary and extraordinary manner, that he would be pleased to rain down righteousness" 

The results of the Reforming Synod were salutary but not lasting. Many of the churches solemnly renewed their covenants, days of fasting and prayer were appointed and in some places there were large accessions to the number of communicants. According to Cotton Mather, it was followed "not only by a great advancement of holiness in the people but also by a great addition of converts to their holy fellowship." But in most instances these additions consisted of such as owned the HalfWay Covenant and gave their assent thereto, so that the way was opened for a repetition of those very evils which the Reforming Synod was designed to correct. 

The disasters moreover which had visited the people were not averted, and in so far as they occupied the public mind to the exclusion of religion they served to aggravate the demoralizing tendencies of the time. The loss of the old charter in Massachusetts, the seizure of the Old South meeting-house for an Episcopal service, and the witchcraft delusion at Salem added to the political and religious disturbances of the day. A combination of such evils, together with the spiritual desolation prevalent in the New England churches, gave a gloomy aspect to the closing years of the seventeenth century. 

The opening years of the new century were no less gloomy than the closing years of the old. In 1702 Increase Mather exclaimed: "Oh New England, New England! tremble, for the glory is going: it is gradually departing." In 1721 he said: "Oh degenerate New England! what art thou come to at this day? How are those sins become common in thee that once were not so much as heard of in this land?" Election and fast day sermons of the time abound in similar allusions to the prevailing declension in religion. The leaven of the HalfWay Covenant was performing its deadly work. During the early part of the eighteenth century what was known as Stoddardeanism (so named because advocated by Rev. Solomon Stoddard of Northampton, Mass.) became widely prevalent. He maintained "that sanctification is not a necessary qualification to partaking of the Lord's Supper," "that the Lord's supper is a converting ordinance," and wrote a treatise in defense of the same. There was some opposition to be sure, but on account of Mr. Stoddard's commanding influence his views received wide acceptance throughout New England. 

With the ebb-tide in religion there had been a steady decline in the morals of the people. Jonathan Edwards, writing of the conditions prevalent in his own parish about 1730, said: "It seemed to be a time of extraordinary dullness in religion; licentiousness for some years greatly prevailed among the youth of the town; there were many of them very much addicted to night walking and frequenting the tavern, and lewd practices, wherein some by their example exceedingly corrupted others. It was their manner very frequently to get together in conventions of both sexes, for mirth and jollity, which they called frolicks; and they would often spend the greater part of the night in them, without any regard to order in the families they belonged to; and indeed family government did too much fail in the town." *

* Works, Vol. III., p. 233. 

Northampton furnishes a mild example of the conditions which were prevalent throughout New England. The situation so far as we are able to learn presents an ever-darkening picture of the state of society and the moral condition of the people. 

Was this state of affairs to continue? Were conditions to wax worse and worse? Had God forsaken New England? For a time it appeared to many as if he had. But the darkness of the period was the darkness which precedes the dawn, a dawn that was to usher in the Great Awakening, an awakening which was to result in the ingathering of thousands and the spiritual regeneration, not only of New England, but of the entire colonial system bordering on the Atlantic, and which was to give spiritual strength for the struggle for independence.

 

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